Monday, 23 March 2015

Fasehun, Gani Adams and unending Southwest conspiracies

Fasehun and Gani Adams

Both Frederick Fasehun and Gani Adams, co-leaders of the two factions of the Oodua Peoples Congress (OPC), had in the early years of the founding of their ethnic militia tried to paint themselves as gallant defenders of the Yoruba cause. Their common cause was the oppressive tendencies and policies of the late head of state, Sani Abacha. Once the strongman died, however, the OPC was in a quandary, unsure what its raison d’etre should be. They sauntered from one private security job to another, and in one private residence, public building, entire neighbourhood or another. Finally, inspired by Niger Delta militants, they seized upon the idea of multi-billion naira pipelines protection jobs, a payday and payout far beyond their earthly dreams.

Sometime last year, factional leaders of the OPC were embroiled in a war of attrition over the said pipelines contract that was yet to be awarded to the Yoruba militia. Dr Fasehun had struggled for a larger percentage of the awaited contract, and Otunba Adams had suggested that because he commanded more OPC militants, he deserved a larger part of the pie. In the end, the pie turned out to be so big, so unimaginably huge, that the two factional leaders have sheathed their swords. Instead, they have now reserved their swords and malignant hatred for the main faction of the Yoruba power elite led by the progressives in the All Progressives Congress (APC). The OPC seems thereby to underscore the stereotype that for a private end, and maybe for money, aggrieved Yoruba politicians, militia leaders and militiamen could be trusted to instigate or lead a rebellion against their own people.
Until Dr Fasehun openly admitted the role he played in the postponement of the February 14 presidential election, few knew the actual beginnings of that infamous decision. The Goodluck Jonathan government had given the impression that the election date postponement was at the instance of the security agencies which argued that insecurity in the Northeast made the conduct of the elections impracticable in those troubled regions. Mercifully, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), was also anxious to let the world know that the postponement was not at its instance. Though the President told an embarrassing untruth that he knew nothing about the security reports that foreshadowed the postponement, it was obvious the plan was orchestrated by his presidency in a desperate effort to hold on to power.
According to the OPC factional leader, Dr Fasehun, at one of the conspiratorial summits organised by the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) through Governor Olusegun Mimiko of Ondo State, he boasted that fearing that Dr Jonathan would lose the election if it was held on February 14, he made phone calls and contacts to inspire and instigate a postponement. Amidst resounding applause, he said he was glad his counsel was heeded, and a postponement arranged. Though the world railed against the shift, few knew at the time from whence the idea came. Now, it is possible Dr Fasehun was making an empty boast, but once a criminal voluntarily admits to a crime, there is little a judge can do other than to find him guilty in the absence of any objections. Dr Fasehun hung himself by his own admissions; and it must be accepted that even if he was not the only one who precipitated the postponement, he was one of the major instigators. He stands condemned in the estimation of the public. But for a man lacking in moderation and leadership ethics, and one to whom age has brought nothing but inurement to frugality and noble deeds and virtue, what does he care?
Perhaps leaders of the Yoruba political organisation, Afenifere, will sometime later find the honesty and decency to admit that they have become sucked into the vortex of partisan politics, thereby becoming either advertently or inadvertently members of the PDP, and have enlisted into the Jonathan column either as foot soldiers or officers. Meanwhile, another honest admission came from the other half of the OPC conundrum. According to Otunba Adams, perhaps also anxious to publicise his contributions to the Jonathan reelection project and justify his disruptive protest along Ikorodu Road in Lagos last week, he was eager to sign up to the pipeline contracts because it showed the magnanimity of the Jonathan presidency, contrary to the niggardliness of the wealthy Lagos government which refused to patronise the militia. In other words, the OPC politics and the opposition of the militia to the APC leadership is all about money and financial power. Who knows, maybe Afenifere’s opposition to the APC is also underscored by financial reasons.
The OPC factional leaders are at liberty to legitimately disagree with the APC, though the unanimous hatred they exhibit towards the APC is both telling and instructive, and they can quarrel with anyone they like. But both Dr Fasehun and Otunba Adams will, however, find it difficult justifying their pretentious promotion of Yoruba interests when what they are promoting is in fact their private interests. They will find it difficult pretending to altruism when their partisan objectives are gingered by wholly private financial calculations. The two OPC leaders have confessed their infamous roles in the politics of Dr Jonathan’s reelection; the country and, in particular, the Southwest await the confessions of Afenifere leaders who continue to mask their private ambitions under Yoruba nationalism.
Dr Jonathan has a knack for seeking out disaffected people and politicians to co-opt into his conspiracies. Dr Fasehun, whose inexplicable embrace of Major Hamza al-Mustapha (rtd) perplexed many Nigerians a few years back, will always be available for hire. So, too, will Otunba Adams be available to the highest bidder. Together with the freelancing Afenifere and the rambunctious Ekiti State Governor Ayo Fayose pushing and pulling in different nefarious directions, the ongoing political trading in the Southwest points to the urgent realignments certain to take place both in the Yoruba country and in Nigeria as a whole after the elections.

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